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03/11/07
Sunshine Week 2007
AP Enterprise: On Sunshine laws, governments talk loud but
stick is very rarely used
By ROBERT TANNER
AP National Writer
Though laws in every state say government records and meetings
must be open to all, reality often falls far short: Laws are
sporadically enforced, penalties for failure to comply are
mild and violators almost always walk away with nothing more
than a reprimand, an Associated Press survey of all 50 states
has found.
Even in the handful of states that monitor such cases, when
citizens appeal over lack of access to information, the government
usually wins.
Why does it matter?
Advocates for open government say public trust is at the heart
of our democracy, that scrutiny keeps public officials honest,
and that information is the foundation of informed debate.
"We're in an era, clearly, where there's a lot of distrust
in government," said Bill Chamberlin of the Marion Brechner
Citizen Access Project at the University of Florida. "The
more the public officials are open in their conversation and
show the documentation that they're basing decisions on, it's
going to help the public have faith in what officials are
doing."
The AP's survey gathered material from each state on its open
government laws and penalties. Additionally, for the years
2004 to 2006, it sought more detail on open government complaints
in states with the best record-keeping. The AP found that
fewer than 10 states effectively track what happens in such
cases.
Looking more closely at those monitoring efforts, a snapshot
emerges: Oversight agencies and attorneys general are more
likely to rule in favor of government offices that keep documents
secret and doors closed. And when they rule that the law was
broken? The overwhelming majority of decisions bring a "don't
do it again" warning.
In Fort Smith, Ark., a resident fought to learn what city
officials were doing when they secretly decided to buy a vacant
downtown building. David Harris proved in court that the officials
broke the law, but the state Supreme Court last year declined
to levy the only punishment possible -- the $10,000 in legal
fees it cost Harris to make his case.
And in southern Connecticut two years ago, the water authority
that oversees a small lake stonewalled a former member who
sought financial audits, then went behind closed doors to
settle policy on winterizing boats. After the former member
complained, the state oversight commission ruled that the
authority violated the law, but rejected a request for a civil
penalty and instead told officials to make the documents available
and be public about their business.
"There is largely a culture in state and local government
that violating public meetings and open records laws is not
the same as committing a crime," Chamberlin said. "It's
largely treated as a nuisance rather than a law."
Those charged with enforcement of open government laws strongly
disagree.
They take the law very seriously, they say, but contend a
reprimand is usually punishment enough for a local council
member or village mayor who is guilty only of misunderstanding
the law.
"We think the carrot is preferable to the stick. We use
the carrot in almost every case," said Nebraska Attorney
General Jon Bruning, who helped toughen his state's open government
or "sunshine" statutes when he was a state senator.
"Our experience is that local officials want to abide
by the law, but they often don't know how."
The AP analysis found that nearly all states have crafted
penalties for those who violate sunshine laws, but the majority
do little to keep track of how often the law is broken and
what the punishment might be.
The federal government does a much better tracking job, but
has no provision for punishment and little sympathy for appeals
when federal agencies reject requests for documents.
Two states have no penalties at all if someone breaks the
law; eight more have no sanctions for one of the two guarantees
of open government _ open meetings or open documents. In practice,
few penalties are ever sought.
Many states allow for people who sue to win attorneys' fees,
but place the standard so high that it's rarely met.
Consider a dispute over spending in a volunteer fire department
in Riverdale, Iowa, a town of 650 people just up the Mississippi
River from Davenport.
Two citizens -- an interior designer and a chiropractor --
became suspicious of spending in the department, spurred by
what they said were drunken come-ons at a Christmas party
and the purchase of several ladder trucks in a town with no
high-rise buildings. They asked for information. They didn't
get it.
Tammie Picton and Allen Diercks didn't give up. They fought
the case themselves, spending two years and $28,000 in legal
expenses -- and they won.
Now Mayor Norma Wren, who didn't return calls seeking comment,
is facing more scrutiny. The state auditor is looking at possible
financial mismanagement, and the attorney general has been
asked to investigate.
It could be seen as proof the system works, but that's not
how the plaintiffs saw their long struggle.
If he didn't push so vigorously, Diercks notes, nothing would
have happened. "There are so many loopholes in the law,"
he said.
Like most states, Iowa's handling of cases is a mixed bag.
It has an oversight body to which citizens can make a complaint,
and that office received 445 complaints from 2004 to 2006.
But the office ruled that only 63 cases were substantiated.
And because it has no enforcement powers, that meant it relied
upon the moral weight of its deci1sions to convince officials
to change their behavior. In most cases, a phone call was
enough to get officials to relent and make information public,
the office reported.
If that doesn't work, people like Diercks can sue or try to
convince their local prosecutor to bring action.
Twenty-five states and the District of Columbia have agencies
with some central authority to provide guidance or handle
complaints of limited government access. But the results still
are scattershot.
Just seven states -- Connecticut, Hawaii, Iowa, Kentucky,
Nebraska, North Dakota and Rhode Island -- could provide enough
information to determine ultimately what happened to complaints.
And even in those states, most acknowledged untracked cases
could have made their way through the court system.
Each state collects information differently, so drawing broad
conclusions is problematic. However, data from those states
provide a glimpse at how sunshine law complaints are handled.
For instance, from 2004 to 2006:
-- Nebraska's attorney general received 106 complaints. Officials
found eight violations _ each brought a public reprimand,
but no prosecution or fine. One county board was told to vote
again in public, not in secret.
-- Connecticut's Freedom of Information Commission received
1,893 complaints, ruled on 575 cases and found 219 violations.
It levied seven fines, ranging from $50 to $500, and ordered
a half-dozen other remedies, including workshops on the law
and an order that an ethics commission recreate minutes of
a private meeting.
When it comes to the federal government, the vast majority
of information requests are for personal records from three
agencies -- Health and Human Services, Veterans Affairs and
the Social Security Administration. They got 19 million requests
in 2005 and almost always granted them.
The other federal agencies received just over a half-million
queries, with a third of those denied or not fulfilled, according
to an analysis of 2005 data by the Coalition of Journalists
for Open Government. In the relatively few cases that were
appealed most ended in failure.
Federal officials, along with those from school boards, town
councils and state agencies, almost never face sanctions for
keeping records secret.
That's fine with some charged with monitoring sunshine laws.
The goal is to encourage people in public office to follow
the law, not necessarily to punish them.
"The court of public opinion, in my opinion, is much
more powerful than the judicial court," said Robert Freeman,
head of New York's Committee on Open Government and one of
the most widely respected advocates for open government in
the country.
New York reflects that philosophy in practice. Freeman's office
has only advisory powers. But that's enough, he said.
Florida takes a much different approach in its willingness
to punish officials who break the law.
In 2004, a county commissioner who was a former state legislative
leader served 49 days of a 60-day jail sentence for violating
the open meetings law, becoming the first public official
in Florida to do time in such a case.
In 2005, a village commissioner and a mayor of the city of
North Bay Village, near Miami, pleaded no contest to misdemeanor
charges that they conspired to oust the city manager and were
given probation, community service and fines or court costs
that ranged up to $20,000.
Chamberlin, of the University of Florida, argues that the
occasional prosecution sends a stronger message than mere
warnings.
"One of the arguments by many people is that criminalizing
obedience to records and meetings laws is too harsh. I happen
to think that it's not too harsh, because it's law,"
he said. "Punishment does make a difference. ... A couple
prosecutions every once in a while wakes people up and they
say, 'Hey, my job may be at stake.'"
Last month in Florida, new GOP Gov. Charlie Crist, a former
attorney general who championed consumer rights, took another
step in enforcement by creating an ombudsman to oversee sunshine
cases.
Other states have sporadically moved in recent years to toughen
penalties and strengthen their oversight.
Kansas lawmakers required that county prosecutors report all
sunshine cases to the attorney general, whose office was to
prepare an annual report. But the first report is more than
a year overdue.
Bruning, Nebraska's attorney general, successfully pushed
a law to make it harder for local officials to charge high
costs to people seeking government documents. He now wants
a mandatory one-hour training course for every public official,
so they know what their citizens' rights are in terms of access
to documents and meetings.
"This is critical to the citizens of Nebraska and the
citizens of this country," he said. "This gives
citizens confidence that government is operating truthfully
and honestly and in their best interest."
While legislation would make classes mandatory, it operates
under the honor system -- no penalty will be levied against
those who decide to skip it, Bruning said.
"We're simply trying to educate those that hold the public
trust," he said.
___
AP special projects manager John Parsons in New York and Associated
Press writer David Pitt in Des Moines, Iowa, contributed to
this report.
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